Nominations expose ZANU-PF’s true colours

He says although we are far from an absolute answer, some research is being done in cognitive science that can help people to understand better what kinds of activism are likely to be effective.
“When we are faced with information that contradicts beliefs we hold, we tend to reject the information or interpret it in a way that allows us to keep our beliefs: in everyday thinking, the mind is very good at brushing aside information that a logician would regard as being of the utmost importance to correct thinking,” Campbell says.
While this does not sound to be a good thing, he argues that this information processing strategy can be seen as a reasonable way for individuals to cope with a vastly complex environment.
Recently, the country witnessed confusion of the highest order within the various factions in ZANU-PF that were repositioning themselves to influence the succession race through the nomination of candidates to the party’s presidium ahead of its congress mid this month.
With President Robert Mugabe turning 86 in February next year, factions within the party are leaving no stone unturned to ensure that their preferred candidates for the high pressure job remain in the veteran nationalist’s shadows during the twilight of his political career.
But the political gerrymandering is weakening the party by dividing it along tribal lines. The results of the previous national elections confirm the devastating effects of these divisions on the party.
Last month, latent fights within the party were at play once again as the two dominant factions flexed their muscles during the nominations for candidates to occupy the top echelons of ZANU-PF. Masvingo, which had initially nominated Women’s League secretary Oppah Muchinguri to take over from Joice Mujuru as vice-president and Kembo Mohadi for the party’s chairmanship changed its nominations in the most dramatic way about a week later “for the sake of unity.”
ZANU-PF insiders said the provincial leadership in Masvingo was read the riot act in private for disrespecting both the Unity Accord signed between President Mugabe and PF-ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo (now late) in 1987 and the doctrine of seniority used to keep ambitious young Turks within the wings.
To avoid censure the province was forced to tinker with its line up in order to mirror the dominant nominations from the other provinces that had President Mugabe as their first secretary and president, Mujuru (second secretary and vice-president, John Nkomo (second secretary and vice president) and Simon Khaya-Moyo as the chairman of the party. President Mugabe, Mu-juru, Nkomo and Moyo will be endorsed this month at the party’s congress as members of the ZANU-PF presidium.
In justifying its earlier nomination of Mohadi and Muchinguri the ZANU-PF leadership in Masvingo said it reflected internal competition consistent with democracy. Mashonaland Central also made a dramatic U-turn.
The province, which is the bulwark of ZANU-PF’s support base, had nominated Didymus Mutasa — the party’s secretary for administration — for the chairmanship but somersaulted after the senior leadership in the area burnt fingers. Through pressure, the province had to settle for Khaya-Moyo.
But despite pressure from ZANU-PF heavyweights who wanted it to reverse its nomination of Mutasa as its candidate for the chairmanship, Manicaland stood its ground. There are, however, behind-the-scenes manoeuvres to punish those perceived to be digging their heels in.
Manicaland province is adamant that procedures were not followed during the nominations and has vowed to raise the issue at the appropriate forum.
Analysts this week said the shift in positions seen in Masvingo and Mashonaland Central raises more questions than answers.
They said last month’s shenanigans does not speak well of the leadership qualities, political stamina and issues of democracy in the cryptic political power dynamics in ZANU-PF.
The latest scenario is however, not new in ZANU-PF. In 1999, Emmerson Mnanga-gwa, the party’s secretary for administration then, vied for the post of national chairman against Nkomo, but lost after PF-ZAPU members canvassed to keep the post in their corner under the pretext of promoting unity within the fractious party.
And in 2004, ZANU-PF took a landmark decision at an emergency politburo meeting and agreed that one of the vice presidents should be a woman, a move that effectively blocked other aspirants to the post namely Emmerson Mnangagwa and Mutasa. The decision, which took many by surprise and ended a ferocious war to fill the post left vacant after the death of vice president Simon Muzenda, came against the backdrop of an attempted “palace coup” by a group within ZANU-PF that sought to realign the presidium through what has come to be known as the “Tsholotsho Declaration.”
Mnangagwa’s team was said to have secured the backing of six provinces to reconfigure the presidium then, but its strategy collapsed like a deck of cards after the party’s politburo declared that the vacant post was to be filled by a woman.
Only four provinces resisted the directive resulting in Mujuru ascending to the presidium.
After Mnangagwa’s plot hit a brick wall, six provincial chairpersons aligned to him were suspended.
One needs the support of not less than six provinces to get a seat in the presidency.
Political analysts were unanimous that the shift in minds of the provincial leaderships was a clear indication that stalwarts in those provinces were weak-kneed and that the lash system has always been ZANU-PF’s way of democracy.
The latest episode saw the provinces being whipped into line ostensibly to save the Unity Accord which ended a bitter era of massacres that claimed about 20 000 lives in the Midlands and Matabeleland provinces. The Accord is, however, silent on which party to the agreement should permanently fill in that chairmanship’s slot hence it is subject to various interpretations which brew acrimony between known factions in ZANU-PF.
Political commentator Pedzisai Ruhanya said: “That’s ZANU-PF democracy for you. And if those who are disgruntled continue to hold secret meetings in their bedrooms and not come out in the open, they will never be able to change that way of doing things. They can’t cry foul and at the same time keep quiet about it.
“We know what happened was undemocratic and if there are those who believe they were short changed, they should be men and women enough to stand up and be counted. People should not be shocked. What was expected is exactly what transpired. Those who wanted people to tow the line came out in the open as evidenced by the final results, so anyone who feels deceived should come out in the open.”
Political analyst and University of Zimbabwe lecturer John Makumbe said the provinces changed their minds for fear of possible retribution.
“The whole nomination process was just a charade,” Makumbe said.
“By going public voting for so and so today and changing your mind tomorrow simply indicates that there is no democracy in ZANU-PF. The provinces are dictated to by the big guns. This is an issue of tribalism and factionalism. The competition is not between the characters being chosen but the various factions at play. There is too much regimentation in ZANU-PF. You do not need to be different lest you put yourself up for retribution.”
He went on: “There are no principles at all. How do you explain for example dropping Mutasa and picking up Khaya-Moyo? This was done not out of merit or on the basis of qualification. The provinces simply have to conform to the dictates of the presidium lest you be labeled rebels. That is why those rebel provinces changed their minds after realising the complex environment they were operating in.”
Political analyst Joseph Kurebwa said the sudden change of heart by these provinces was a reflection of inadequate consultation at the top.
Kurebwa contended that the nomination of Muchinguri and Mohadi was probably done by people with a hidden political agenda.
“I don’t think Mohadi threw his hat into the ring before Masvingo nominated him,” Kurebwa said.
“People in Chiredzi said they had not been consulted on the nominations, so the decision to hurriedly nominated Muchinguri and Mohadi smack of a hidden political agenda from people at the top and did not reflect the provincial thinking. However, Mutasa’s nomination is different in that he had thrown his hat into the ring for chairmanship. There was lack of consultation hence the confusion.”